Epstein files fallout reaches Europe’s institutions as Jagland is admitted to hospital

by EUToday Correspondents
Former Norwegian prime minister Thorbjørn Jagland, a former chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee and ex–secretary general of the Council of Europe, has been admitted to hospital amid an aggravated-corruption investigation linked to his past contacts with the late financier Jeffrey Epstein.

The hospital admission follows a rapid escalation in legal and institutional steps against a figure who, for more than two decades, moved between the apex of Norwegian politics and the leadership of Europe’s principal human-rights organisation. Jagland served as Norway’s prime minister in the 1990s, later became foreign minister, and from 2009 to 2019 held the top executive post at the Council of Europe, the 46-state body that oversees the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights.

Norway’s economic crime authority, Økokrim, opened an investigation this month on suspicion of aggravated corruption connected to Jagland’s contacts with Epstein. The suspicion concerns whether benefits were received in a way that could amount to improper advantage linked to public office. Investigators have stated publicly that they are examining possible gifts, travel and loans. Searches have been reported at properties linked to Jagland as part of evidence-gathering.

A key development came on 11 February, when the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers waived immunity attached to Jagland’s former role as secretary general, following a request from Norwegian authorities. That decision removed a procedural obstacle, enabling investigators to pursue lines of inquiry connected to activities that may have occurred while he held an international office protected by privileges and immunities.

The case has concentrated attention on what Jagland did during the period covered by the newly released material. The Epstein files, and reporting based on them, indicate sustained contact over years, including planning and practical arrangements. One line of enquiry relates to travel and hospitality. The documents indicate detailed planning in 2014 for Jagland, his wife and family members to visit Epstein at properties in Palm Beach and the Caribbean. Jagland has denied visiting Epstein’s private island.

Another line of enquiry relates to financial assistance. Investigators are examining an approach in 2014 in which Jagland sought Epstein’s help in connection with financing an apartment in Oslo. That request, now central to the corruption inquiry, has been described by Jagland’s lawyer as not constituting a criminal act. The investigation will determine whether any benefit was provided and, if so, whether it was tied to Jagland’s positions and the obligations of his offices.

The most politically charged disclosures concern Jagland’s interaction with Epstein on Russia. Released correspondence has been reported as showing Epstein seeking help in obtaining access to senior Russian figures, including a request for a meeting with Russia’s foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, and claims that Epstein had “insights” to offer President Vladimir Putin. The material has been reported as showing Jagland indicating he would raise the matter with Lavrov’s assistant.

Those references have revived a long-running debate about Jagland’s approach to Russia during his tenure at the Council of Europe. In that role he repeatedly argued that Russia should remain within the organisation, contending that ordinary Russians would be harmed if their country left, because individuals would lose access to the European Court of Human Rights. He urged institutional compromise at moments when Russia’s status was under pressure after the 2014 annexation of Crimea and the suspension of Russia’s voting rights in the Parliamentary Assembly. In 2019, Russia’s participation rights were restored, amid strong opposition from Ukraine and others. While Jagland was not the sole decision-maker, his public stance was consistent: he framed Russia’s membership as a strategic necessity to preserve the Council’s reach and the court’s jurisdiction over Russian cases.

In Norway, Jagland’s defenders have historically presented that position as institutional pragmatism designed to keep legal channels open. Critics have argued that it weakened the organisation’s political credibility and blurred accountability at a time when Russia was already in breach of core commitments. The Epstein disclosures have added a new dimension to that argument, because they illuminate a private relationship that investigators now suspect may have involved benefits and requests that sit uneasily with the duties of a senior international office-holder.

Jagland, through his lawyer, has stated that he will cooperate with investigators and maintains that there are no circumstances establishing criminal liability. The legal threshold, however, is for prosecutors and courts. Aggravated corruption is among the most serious economic offences in Norwegian law, and the investigation is proceeding in a manner that treats the allegations as potentially substantial.

For the Council of Europe, the case has reputational implications that go beyond one individual. The organisation’s authority rests on the perception of institutional integrity: that those who lead its secretariat operate at arm’s length from private interests and cannot be induced through gifts, access or financial assistance. The waiver of immunity was therefore more than a formality. It signalled that member states did not consider the investigation incompatible with the organisation’s interests, and that the allegation of misconduct was sufficiently weighty to justify a full legal process.

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