The current wave of coups in Africa has become a global concern and rekindled the debate on the fragilities of African democracies. Within the past 18 months, more than seven coups or attempted coups have been recorded in the continent. Only one coup was recorded in Mali in 2020. But between March to December 2021, six different coups were reported – successful takeovers in Chad, Mali, Guinea, and Sudan – and failed coups in Niger and Sudan. This makes 2021 one of the years with the highest number of military takeovers on the continent.
The year 2022 has also started on a dramatic note as two coups – one successful and one failed – have been reported. On 23 January 2022, Burkina Faso joined the list as the military, led by Paul-Henri Sandogo Damida, overthrew the Roch Marc Christian Kabore led government. Just as the dust was settling on that, an attempted military coup was reported in Guinea Bissau on 1 February 2022. Many members of the security forces were reportedly killed, though it was a failed attempt. President Umaro Sissoco Embaló said the attempted takeover may have been linked to drug trade and called it a possible assassination attempt.
Between 1956 and 2001, up to 80 successful coups and 108 failed coup attempts were reported in sub-Saharan Africa, meaning an average of four attempts per year. But due to the wave of democratisation that swept across the continent in recent decades, Africa experienced a great reduction in coup d’états. This made many believe that military rules were a thing of the past on the continent.
However, experiences in the past few months have subjected the genuineness of African democracies to question. Given the contagious nature of military coups, there are fears that more countries may record military takeovers if the current political structures in many African countries are not reviewed.
While it is worrisome that the coups are happening now, or greater concern is the jubilant mood with which citizens of some of those countries welcome the development. As regional and international bodies condemned the Mali coup, civilians in their hundreds took to the streets to celebrate with soldiers who deposed their presidents. Recently, they berated the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) for sanctioning the junta. Similar moments of celebrations were also recorded in Burkina Faso and Guinea after the coups in those countries.
For observers of the African political climate, the current waves of coups and cheering reactions of civilians didn’t really come as a surprise. This is because many African leaders have failed to demonstrate true democratic rule. Their governments have subjected people to the lowest level of hardship and worsened their general wellbeing. It is common for many African leaders to dubiously extend their terms in office. Many also collude with security agents to intimidate the electorates, members of the press, and opposition figures during elections.
This explains why periodic elections have failed to guarantee accountability and representation, which are key elements of a democratic rule. Despite claiming to be democratic, many politicians hardly regard the rule of laws and sometimes keep the judiciary ineffective.
A recent Afro Barometer survey shows that many Africans don’t have confidence in their countries’ electoral system, and they see them as ineffective in holding leaders accountable. This shows the absence of functional democracy in most African countries, where many leaders are authoritarian and have alienated themselves from their citizens. While the masses groan in hardship, they (the leaders) and their families live in opulence, drive about in expensive convoys, access the best healthcare in developed countries, and send their children to world-class foreign schools. The negligence has been the basis for the deep-seated anger of most Africans towards their leaders.
Corruption is prevalent continent-wide, and the anti-corruption mechanisms set in place appear ineffective and manned by people of questionable character. The poor leaders vis-à-vis the ubiquitous corruption can be linked to the devastating humanitarian crisis bedevilling the continent.
The unfriendly environment created by African politicians has caused heightened security threats that have displaced millions of people. This has caused a surge in the number of Africans seeking asylum and refugee status in places like the US and UK, some of whom travelled through unconventional, dangerous routes, such as boat ride through the Mediterranean Sea and the Sahara Desert, just to escape the poor living conditions. During its 2020 Silencing the Gun campaign, the African Union Commission revealed that about 600 million young people in the continent are uneducated, unemployed, or in insecure employment, highlighting the security threats such scenario portends.
Having suffered bad leadership for decades, many people now see the military rule as better than corrupt politicians. But can the military regime provide better governance? Unfortunately, a look at the history of military rules on the continent will show that juntas hardly deliver people’s heart desires. Though they usually appear rosy at the beginning and come under the guise of rescuing the day, military regimes are known for cheer human rights violations and disregard for the rule of law.
They also have a penchant for sit-tightism. They usually promise to restore democracy in a short time but hardly fulfil the promise. A good example is the current junta in Mali that recently asked for five years more in power after its earlier promise to hold elections this February. Cases of coups upon coups are another concern about military rules, which usually delay a return to democratic rule. The 1963 coup in the Benin Republic is an example of such.
After the initial coup, the West African country witnessed four more coups before 1972. Similarly, Burkina Faso experienced successive military takeovers between 1966 to 1983. These past events make the current wave of coups and celebratory cheering welcome by the civilians more worrisome. Unfortunately, the prevailing poor leadership put many Africans in a tight corner, having to choose between the devil and the deep blue sea.
Essentially, African leaders need to restrategize their approach and focus on people-centred initiatives that will ameliorate the suffering of the masses. Also, the international community should be more interested in more important elements of democratic rules than just periodic organised elections that are fast becoming a mere charade. Freedom of the press, true representation, equity, and accountability from public office holders should take a higher priority. This will help restore the faith of an average African in democratic rules.
Olusegun Akinfenwa is a correspondent for Immigration Advice Service (IAS), a UK-based law firm offering global immigration services.
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