by Dmytro Belyansky
Whoever pulled the trigger that killed Iryna Farion, a 60-year-old professor from Lviv, prominent linguist, and ardent Ukrainian nationalist, did so with Moscow’s influence.
From a Ukrainian perspective, she was an unlikely target for a political assassination. Furthermore, Ukrainians generally do not condone murder. We do, however, engage in intense political debates and conflicts among various characters, a tradition that persists even during wartime. President Zelensky promptly condemned the murder, emphasizing that violence is always reprehensible and that the perpetrator must be brought to justice.
Farion was labeled a “Nazi” by Russians, making her a target for their propaganda machine. We remember well that Putin cited “denazification” as a goal when he launched his invasion in 2022, a term he has continued to use. The brutal daytime shooting of an elderly woman in peaceful Lviv, Western Ukraine, exemplifies the “denazification” Putin seeks. Russian propagandists have already spun this incident, suggesting that Ukrainians are now turning against their own nationalists.
Iryna Farion
The Russians might have hoped that this murder would divide Ukrainian society regarding Farion’s beliefs and values. However, this has not happened. We remain united in our condemnation of the murder. It is a terrible crime, and we know who the culprit is—Mr. Putin.
In the aftermath, some voices question whether the future of Ukrainian politics will be marked by bloodshed instead of the usual debates, accusations, and even humour. While it is clear that Russians were behind Farion’s murder, there is concern about other potential targets within Ukraine.
Take Oleksiy Arestovych, for example. His absence from the country at this time might be to his advantage. His problems stem not from his political beliefs but from sharing controversial ideas with Russian media, part of Russia’s propaganda apparatus.
War-time politics in Ukraine is complex, with two opposing polarities. On one side, we have nationalists like the late Iryna Farion, who champion the Ukrainian nation, its culture, language, and history. Farion tolerated various political ideologies throughout her career, maintaining her nationalistic views politically. They were provocative but not threatening.
On the other side, we have new imperialists in Ukraine, some of whom aspire to resurrect a grand empire under the banner of “Make Kyivan Rus’ Great Again!” They promise a bright future post-war, envisioning Kyiv as the capital of a new empire. These two groups deeply despise each other. Nationalists will not allow imperialists to redefine Ukraine, while imperialists see nationalists as a hindrance to their grand vision.
Despite these extreme points, the majority of Ukrainians do not align strictly with either side. Around 80 percent of voters are both nationalists and imperialists, embodying a complex identity. We were integral to building the Russian Empire, participating in both its glories and shames. This duality is our strength and burden.
We are Ukrainians, our ancestors suppressed by Russians, our history nearly erased. We understand both how to build an empire and the importance of our Ukrainian identity. The difference between Ukrainians and Russians is vast. We value individuality and human dignity, while they prioritise the state and power. We are Europeans; they are not.
In war-torn Ukraine, no one is a political enemy, even along the nationalist-imperialist axis. We are writing new history with our blood, but we must not let this blood write our future politics. We should forgive each other for the sake of our unity as Ukrainians. We must talk among ourselves, fight the Russian invaders on the battlefield, and keep our focus clear.
So, we engage in dialogue with fellow Ukrainians, we confront Russian invaders on the battlefield, and we must not falter.
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